Kitazawa says relocation plan be ready by May
2010/02/15 20:44(JST)
Japan's Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa told a visiting senior US lawmaker that Japan will decide on the relocation of the US Marine Corps Futenma Air Station in Okinawa by May, in a manner acceptable to the United States.
Kitazawa met US Senator Jim Webb on Monday at the Defense Ministry in Tokyo. Webb chairs the East Asia and Pacific Affairs Subcommittee of the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations.
Webb said the United States understands the need to reduce excessive burden that US bases impose on Okinawa.
He also stressed the need for the public to understand the shared security interest in maintaining the bilateral alliance, and the importance of the US military presence in preserving stability in the Asia-Pacific region.
Kitazawa replied that the Hatoyama administration will reach a conclusion by the end of May. He said he hopes to arrive at the best possible conclusion in the limited time period.
Earlier in the day, Webb met with Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada and said Japan-US relations are firm enough to overcome any difficulties that may arise between the 2 countries.
Webb added he is confident that the United States can look forward to a conclusion from Japan that will be favorable to both nations.
Showing posts with label East Asia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label East Asia. Show all posts
Friday, February 19, 2010
U.S. senator open to suggestions from Japan on military base issue
U.S. senator open to suggestions from Japan on military base issue
Feb 15 06:19 AM US/Eastern
(AP) - TOKYO, Feb. 15 (Kyodo) — Visiting U.S. Sen. Jim Webb said Monday he is "open to listening to all the suggestions" from the Japanese government on the issue of where to relocate a U.S. military airfield in the southernmost Japanese prefecture of Okinawa.
The chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs also said there could be "a number of practical options" on the issue, but noted he has no intention to recommend that the functions of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futemma Air Station be relocated outside of Okinawa.
"There are ways that the American military could be readjusted, but they also have to be able to perform their mission," Webb, who spent time on Okinawa as a U.S. Marine during the Vietnam War and revisited the island in the 1970s as a defense planner, said at the Japan National Press Club in Tokyo.
Following a historic change of government in September, the new Japanese government and the ruling parties are exploring an alternative to an existing plan agreed on between Tokyo and Washington in 2006 to move the Futemma facility in Ginowan to a less densely populated city in Okinawa.
The two junior coalition partners in the Democratic Party of Japan-led government are set to present their relocation proposals Wednesday to a government committee that is considering the issue, which are likely to include Guam or an idea to integrate the Futemma functions with the nearby U.S. Kadena Air Base in Okinawa.
But prospects remain unclear on whether the proposals would lead the Japanese government to settle the issue by the end of May as it has pledged, given that both ideas have been floated in the past but have been seen as difficult to realize.
Webb did not elaborate on what he called "practical options," but added, "I do believe that we must find a solution on the Futemma issue for the well-being of the citizens in that area."
"And I am open to listening to all the suggestions from the Japanese government and also from the people of Okinawa," he said, while noting that the base issue should be resolved in a way that both Japan and the United States "feel comfortable."
The United States has pressed Japan to implement the existing relocation plan on the grounds that it is the only viable option. The Futemma relocation is part of a broader 2006 bilateral agreement on the reconfiguration of U.S. forces in Japan, which took years to reach.
Separately, Japanese Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada told Webb in a meeting at the Foreign Ministry that the Japanese government would like to hold discussions with the U.S. government on the Futemma issue before reaching a conclusion in May, according to the ministry's press release.
Webb was quoted as telling Okada that the Japan-U.S. ties are strong enough to overcome specific problems and that he believes the conclusion on the issue, no matter what it may be, would be desirable for both countries, it said.
During his visit to Japan, Webb also plans to go to Okinawa. He will also visit Guam, where the transfer of about 8,000 Marines from Okinawa is planned under the 2006 Japan-U.S. agreement.
Touching on the issue of massive Toyota vehicle recalls, Webb said at the Japan National Press Club that it is a "business issue" and would not affect the bilateral ties from a political viewpoint.
Feb 15 06:19 AM US/Eastern
(AP) - TOKYO, Feb. 15 (Kyodo) — Visiting U.S. Sen. Jim Webb said Monday he is "open to listening to all the suggestions" from the Japanese government on the issue of where to relocate a U.S. military airfield in the southernmost Japanese prefecture of Okinawa.
The chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs also said there could be "a number of practical options" on the issue, but noted he has no intention to recommend that the functions of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futemma Air Station be relocated outside of Okinawa.
"There are ways that the American military could be readjusted, but they also have to be able to perform their mission," Webb, who spent time on Okinawa as a U.S. Marine during the Vietnam War and revisited the island in the 1970s as a defense planner, said at the Japan National Press Club in Tokyo.
Following a historic change of government in September, the new Japanese government and the ruling parties are exploring an alternative to an existing plan agreed on between Tokyo and Washington in 2006 to move the Futemma facility in Ginowan to a less densely populated city in Okinawa.
The two junior coalition partners in the Democratic Party of Japan-led government are set to present their relocation proposals Wednesday to a government committee that is considering the issue, which are likely to include Guam or an idea to integrate the Futemma functions with the nearby U.S. Kadena Air Base in Okinawa.
But prospects remain unclear on whether the proposals would lead the Japanese government to settle the issue by the end of May as it has pledged, given that both ideas have been floated in the past but have been seen as difficult to realize.
Webb did not elaborate on what he called "practical options," but added, "I do believe that we must find a solution on the Futemma issue for the well-being of the citizens in that area."
"And I am open to listening to all the suggestions from the Japanese government and also from the people of Okinawa," he said, while noting that the base issue should be resolved in a way that both Japan and the United States "feel comfortable."
The United States has pressed Japan to implement the existing relocation plan on the grounds that it is the only viable option. The Futemma relocation is part of a broader 2006 bilateral agreement on the reconfiguration of U.S. forces in Japan, which took years to reach.
Separately, Japanese Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada told Webb in a meeting at the Foreign Ministry that the Japanese government would like to hold discussions with the U.S. government on the Futemma issue before reaching a conclusion in May, according to the ministry's press release.
Webb was quoted as telling Okada that the Japan-U.S. ties are strong enough to overcome specific problems and that he believes the conclusion on the issue, no matter what it may be, would be desirable for both countries, it said.
During his visit to Japan, Webb also plans to go to Okinawa. He will also visit Guam, where the transfer of about 8,000 Marines from Okinawa is planned under the 2006 Japan-U.S. agreement.
Touching on the issue of massive Toyota vehicle recalls, Webb said at the Japan National Press Club that it is a "business issue" and would not affect the bilateral ties from a political viewpoint.
Wednesday, February 03, 2010
US envoy to discuss Japan bases
US envoy to discuss Japan bases
UPDATED ON:
Monday, February 01, 2010
08:47 Mecca time, 05:47 GMT
The US assistant secretary of state for East Asia is due to arrive in Tokyo on Monday for talks on the future of American military bases in Japan.
Kurt Campbell's visit comes after thousands of people from across Japan joined protests at the weekend against plans to relocate a US base on the southern island of Okinawa.
Some 47,000 US troops are stationed in Japan, with more than half on the island.
Local residents have long complained about noise, pollution and crime around the bases.
In 2006, the two countries signed a pact that called for the realignment of American troops in the country and for a marine base on the island to be moved to a less populated area.
But the newly elected Japanese government is re-examining the deal, caught between increasing public opposition to US troops and its crucial military alliance with Washington.
'Cornerstone' alliance
Last month Campbell called on Japan to stick to the 2006 deal and relocate the US Futenma air base in Okinawa.
In written testimony before a Senate Foreign Relations Committee subcommittee on January 21, Campbell said the alliance with Japan was a "cornerstone" of the US engagement in Asia.
Campbell also reiterated Washington's desire to see that the US Marine Corps Air Station at Futenma be transferred to another area on the island by 2014.
He said the US is assisting the Japanese government, led by prime minister Yukio Hatoyama, with its review of the Futenma relocation plan.
Decision postponed
However, Hatoyama has repeatedly postponed his decision on the pact, with members of his own government divided on how to proceed.
Last week, he pledged to resolve the issue by May, just before national elections.
But the issue is a difficult one for the prime minister to juggle, with members of his coalition government calling for all US troops to leave Japan.
At a rally against the base, Mizuho Fukushima, a minister in Hatoyama's cabinet, told a crowd protesters that she wants to see the Okinawa base closed and US troops moved out of Japan entirely.
Meanwhile, opposition to the US-Japan pact is growing louder, as thousands marched through central Tokyo on Saturday.
Labor unionists, pacifists, environmentalists and students called for an end to the US troop presence.
They gathered for a rally at a park, under a banner that read "Change! Japan-U.S. Relations".
UPDATED ON:
Monday, February 01, 2010
08:47 Mecca time, 05:47 GMT
The US assistant secretary of state for East Asia is due to arrive in Tokyo on Monday for talks on the future of American military bases in Japan.
Kurt Campbell's visit comes after thousands of people from across Japan joined protests at the weekend against plans to relocate a US base on the southern island of Okinawa.
Some 47,000 US troops are stationed in Japan, with more than half on the island.
Local residents have long complained about noise, pollution and crime around the bases.
In 2006, the two countries signed a pact that called for the realignment of American troops in the country and for a marine base on the island to be moved to a less populated area.
But the newly elected Japanese government is re-examining the deal, caught between increasing public opposition to US troops and its crucial military alliance with Washington.
'Cornerstone' alliance
Last month Campbell called on Japan to stick to the 2006 deal and relocate the US Futenma air base in Okinawa.
In written testimony before a Senate Foreign Relations Committee subcommittee on January 21, Campbell said the alliance with Japan was a "cornerstone" of the US engagement in Asia.
Campbell also reiterated Washington's desire to see that the US Marine Corps Air Station at Futenma be transferred to another area on the island by 2014.
He said the US is assisting the Japanese government, led by prime minister Yukio Hatoyama, with its review of the Futenma relocation plan.
Decision postponed
However, Hatoyama has repeatedly postponed his decision on the pact, with members of his own government divided on how to proceed.
Last week, he pledged to resolve the issue by May, just before national elections.
But the issue is a difficult one for the prime minister to juggle, with members of his coalition government calling for all US troops to leave Japan.
At a rally against the base, Mizuho Fukushima, a minister in Hatoyama's cabinet, told a crowd protesters that she wants to see the Okinawa base closed and US troops moved out of Japan entirely.
Meanwhile, opposition to the US-Japan pact is growing louder, as thousands marched through central Tokyo on Saturday.
Labor unionists, pacifists, environmentalists and students called for an end to the US troop presence.
They gathered for a rally at a park, under a banner that read "Change! Japan-U.S. Relations".
Tuesday, January 26, 2010
Future of Okinawa base strains U.S.-Japanese alliance
Future of Okinawa base strains U.S.-Japanese alliance
By Blaine Harden
washington post foreign service
Sunday, January 24, 2010; A13
GINOWAN, JAPAN -- The people of Okinawa and the U.S. Marine Corps agree on at least one thing: The Futenma Marine air station is a noisy dinosaur that needs to move elsewhere -- and soon.
Smack in the middle of this densely packed city of 92,000 and taking up about a quarter of its land, the air base torments its neighbors with the howl of combat helicopters and the shudder of C-130 transport planes.
"The noise is unbearable," said Harumi Chinen, principal of Futenma No. 2 Elementary School, where about 780 children study in buildings next to the airfield. "A school should be very comforting and safe. That is not the case here."
Where can the Marines and their earsplitting machines go? That question has triggered the most serious quarrel in the history of the traditionally harmonious U.S.-Japanese alliance, which last week marked its 50th anniversary.
The relocation question has exasperated the Obama administration and strained its dealings with a country that the United States is treaty-bound to protect in case of attack. Hanging in the balance is the future of a $26 billion deal between Japan and the United States to transfer 8,000 Marines from Okinawa to Guam and turn over several valuable tracts of urban land to the people of the island.
Worry, too, has spread across East Asia, as officials from South Korea to Australia have expressed concern about the future of the U.S. security role in the region.
The 14,200 Marines who train with aircraft from Futenma are the only mobile U.S. ground forces based in East Asia, said Lt. Gen. Keith J. Stalder, commander of Marine forces in the Pacific. "They bring a lot of stability and security that allows the Asia Pacific region to be a relatively peaceful place," he said.
Yet even from a Marine point of view, staying at Futenma is not desirable. Decades of citizen complaints -- and the 2004 crash of a Marine helicopter into a nearby college campus, which miraculously killed no one -- have triggered flight restrictions that degrade the tactical utility of the Futenma base, especially in training Marines for night combat.
"These restrictions reduce the number of aircraft we can put up through a 24-hour day," said Lt. Gen. Terry G. Robling, Marine commander on this tropical island, which has a strategic perch between Taiwan and the Korean Peninsula. "It is not a showstopper, but it is a factor."
Until last year, the Futenma problem had a treaty-guaranteed solution that pleased the Marines, soothed the allies and suited Tokyo: The air station would move to a new seaside home at Camp Schwab, in the thinly populated north of the island.
Democracy scuttled the deal. In August, Japanese voters tossed out the Liberal Democratic Party, which had ruled the country for nearly 50 years and had agreed in 2006 on the relocation of the Marine base.
The winner of the election had other ideas about the future of the air station and Japan's relationship with the United States. The Democratic Party of Japan and its leader, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, campaigned on the claim that Japan had for too long been too passive in its U.S. dealings. To make the point, Hatoyama froze the base relocation plan, while suggesting that the Marines move their airfield off Okinawa and perhaps out of Japan altogether.
This delighted and energized many of Okinawa's 1.4 million people, who have long complained that they bear a disproportionate burden of their country's security alliance. Most of the 36,000 U.S. military personnel in Japan are based on Okinawa, and local unease over their presence has grown rapidly since 1996, when two Marines and a sailor raped a 12-year-old girl.
"With the new leadership in Tokyo, we have moved away from a relationship where the United States gives an order and Japan says, 'Yes,' " said Yoichi Ida, the mayor of Ginowan and an outspoken advocate of moving the air station out of this city and off the island. "If the Americans try to force their will upon us, obviously Japan-U.S. ties will not go very smoothly."
On Sunday, in a mayoral election in Nago, a northern city of 65,000 people that includes Camp Schwab, an anti-base challenger is running against an incumbent who supports the relocation plan. The outcome of the election is being closely watched in Tokyo and might influence a final decision on the future of the base, which Hatoyama promised last week would be made by May.
The Obama administration's position on the base issue has moderated substantially in the past three months. Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates warned in November of serious consequences if Japan did not honor its 2006 promise. But this month, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton voiced patient understanding, saying, "We are respectful of the process that the Japanese government is going through."
Still, the White House is continuing to press for the existing relocation plan. "An alliance requires sacrifices on both sides, and it is going to make some people unhappy," a senior administration official said.
When the United States completed its 8,000-foot runway at Futenma air station, there were no problems with complaining neighbors. It was 1947, and the base was surrounded by farmland.
But amid the rubble of Okinawa, where a ferocious World War II battle between U.S. and Japanese forces had razed much of island, the base created jobs, attracted businesses and sowed seeds for what would become a thriving city.
Futenma No. 2 Elementary School moved next to the airfield to be near the working families that encircled the base, said Chinen, the principal.
Marine officials say encroachment on the airfield is simply not their fault. "Why aren't you asking why the Japanese didn't have better zoning laws?" said Robling, the Marine commander. "They built a school right under the runway. What were they thinking?"
Japanese aviation law requires "clear zones" around civilian airports, but the rules do not apply to U.S. military bases. Neither Japanese nor U.S. authorities stopped local people from building beside the base.
Whatever the reason for encroachment, Robling and other U.S. officials acknowledge that it has long since made Futenma a poor site for a military airfield.
But if helicopters end up having no place else to go on Okinawa, Robling said, the Marine mission in Japan and East Asia would be dangerously compromised.
If helicopters were based on Guam or main islands of Japan, he said, "it would be like infielders training on the West Coast and outfielders training on the East Coast. On game day, everyone shows up and is somehow expected to play together."
Marine training issues, though, do not get much sympathy at Futenma No. 2 Elementary, where teachers are instructed to remain silent and not shout over the roar of passing aircraft.
"My personal wish is for the air base to move outside of Okinawa," Chinen said. "But who would raise his hand to take it? No one."
Special correspondent Akiko Yamamoto contributed to this report.
By Blaine Harden
washington post foreign service
Sunday, January 24, 2010; A13
GINOWAN, JAPAN -- The people of Okinawa and the U.S. Marine Corps agree on at least one thing: The Futenma Marine air station is a noisy dinosaur that needs to move elsewhere -- and soon.
Smack in the middle of this densely packed city of 92,000 and taking up about a quarter of its land, the air base torments its neighbors with the howl of combat helicopters and the shudder of C-130 transport planes.
"The noise is unbearable," said Harumi Chinen, principal of Futenma No. 2 Elementary School, where about 780 children study in buildings next to the airfield. "A school should be very comforting and safe. That is not the case here."
Where can the Marines and their earsplitting machines go? That question has triggered the most serious quarrel in the history of the traditionally harmonious U.S.-Japanese alliance, which last week marked its 50th anniversary.
The relocation question has exasperated the Obama administration and strained its dealings with a country that the United States is treaty-bound to protect in case of attack. Hanging in the balance is the future of a $26 billion deal between Japan and the United States to transfer 8,000 Marines from Okinawa to Guam and turn over several valuable tracts of urban land to the people of the island.
Worry, too, has spread across East Asia, as officials from South Korea to Australia have expressed concern about the future of the U.S. security role in the region.
The 14,200 Marines who train with aircraft from Futenma are the only mobile U.S. ground forces based in East Asia, said Lt. Gen. Keith J. Stalder, commander of Marine forces in the Pacific. "They bring a lot of stability and security that allows the Asia Pacific region to be a relatively peaceful place," he said.
Yet even from a Marine point of view, staying at Futenma is not desirable. Decades of citizen complaints -- and the 2004 crash of a Marine helicopter into a nearby college campus, which miraculously killed no one -- have triggered flight restrictions that degrade the tactical utility of the Futenma base, especially in training Marines for night combat.
"These restrictions reduce the number of aircraft we can put up through a 24-hour day," said Lt. Gen. Terry G. Robling, Marine commander on this tropical island, which has a strategic perch between Taiwan and the Korean Peninsula. "It is not a showstopper, but it is a factor."
Until last year, the Futenma problem had a treaty-guaranteed solution that pleased the Marines, soothed the allies and suited Tokyo: The air station would move to a new seaside home at Camp Schwab, in the thinly populated north of the island.
Democracy scuttled the deal. In August, Japanese voters tossed out the Liberal Democratic Party, which had ruled the country for nearly 50 years and had agreed in 2006 on the relocation of the Marine base.
The winner of the election had other ideas about the future of the air station and Japan's relationship with the United States. The Democratic Party of Japan and its leader, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, campaigned on the claim that Japan had for too long been too passive in its U.S. dealings. To make the point, Hatoyama froze the base relocation plan, while suggesting that the Marines move their airfield off Okinawa and perhaps out of Japan altogether.
This delighted and energized many of Okinawa's 1.4 million people, who have long complained that they bear a disproportionate burden of their country's security alliance. Most of the 36,000 U.S. military personnel in Japan are based on Okinawa, and local unease over their presence has grown rapidly since 1996, when two Marines and a sailor raped a 12-year-old girl.
"With the new leadership in Tokyo, we have moved away from a relationship where the United States gives an order and Japan says, 'Yes,' " said Yoichi Ida, the mayor of Ginowan and an outspoken advocate of moving the air station out of this city and off the island. "If the Americans try to force their will upon us, obviously Japan-U.S. ties will not go very smoothly."
On Sunday, in a mayoral election in Nago, a northern city of 65,000 people that includes Camp Schwab, an anti-base challenger is running against an incumbent who supports the relocation plan. The outcome of the election is being closely watched in Tokyo and might influence a final decision on the future of the base, which Hatoyama promised last week would be made by May.
The Obama administration's position on the base issue has moderated substantially in the past three months. Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates warned in November of serious consequences if Japan did not honor its 2006 promise. But this month, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton voiced patient understanding, saying, "We are respectful of the process that the Japanese government is going through."
Still, the White House is continuing to press for the existing relocation plan. "An alliance requires sacrifices on both sides, and it is going to make some people unhappy," a senior administration official said.
When the United States completed its 8,000-foot runway at Futenma air station, there were no problems with complaining neighbors. It was 1947, and the base was surrounded by farmland.
But amid the rubble of Okinawa, where a ferocious World War II battle between U.S. and Japanese forces had razed much of island, the base created jobs, attracted businesses and sowed seeds for what would become a thriving city.
Futenma No. 2 Elementary School moved next to the airfield to be near the working families that encircled the base, said Chinen, the principal.
Marine officials say encroachment on the airfield is simply not their fault. "Why aren't you asking why the Japanese didn't have better zoning laws?" said Robling, the Marine commander. "They built a school right under the runway. What were they thinking?"
Japanese aviation law requires "clear zones" around civilian airports, but the rules do not apply to U.S. military bases. Neither Japanese nor U.S. authorities stopped local people from building beside the base.
Whatever the reason for encroachment, Robling and other U.S. officials acknowledge that it has long since made Futenma a poor site for a military airfield.
But if helicopters end up having no place else to go on Okinawa, Robling said, the Marine mission in Japan and East Asia would be dangerously compromised.
If helicopters were based on Guam or main islands of Japan, he said, "it would be like infielders training on the West Coast and outfielders training on the East Coast. On game day, everyone shows up and is somehow expected to play together."
Marine training issues, though, do not get much sympathy at Futenma No. 2 Elementary, where teachers are instructed to remain silent and not shout over the roar of passing aircraft.
"My personal wish is for the air base to move outside of Okinawa," Chinen said. "But who would raise his hand to take it? No one."
Special correspondent Akiko Yamamoto contributed to this report.
Principles of U.S. Engagement in the Asia-Pacific
Principles of U.S. Engagement in the Asia-Pacific
Kurt M. Campbell
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Before the Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Washington, DC
January 21, 2010
Excerpt:
U.S. Principles for Engagement in the Asia-Pacific Region – The Asia-Pacific region is of vital and permanent importance to the United States and it is clear that countries in the region want the United States to maintain a strong and active presence. We need to ensure that the United States is a resident power and not just a visitor, because what happens in the region has a direct effect on our security and economic well-being. Over the course of the next few decades climate change, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and widespread poverty will pose the most significant challenges to the United States and the rest of the region. These challenges are and will continue to be most acute in East Asia. This situation not only suggests a need for the United States to play a leading role in addressing these challenges, but it also indicates a need to strengthen and broaden alliances, build new partnerships, and enhance capacity of multilateral organizations in the region. Fundamental to this approach will be continued encouragement of China’s peaceful rise and integration into the international system. A forward-looking strategy that builds on these relationships and U.S. strengths as a democracy and a Pacific power is essential to manage both regional and increasingly global challenges.
With the positive outcomes of renewed engagement as a backdrop, I would like to discuss a series of principles that will guide our efforts moving forward. Intrinsic to our engagement strategy is an unwavering commitment to American values that have undergirded our foreign policy since the inception of our Republic. In many ways, it is precisely because of the emergence of a more complex and multi-polar world that values can and should serve as a tool of American statecraft. Five principles guide the Obama administration’s engagement in East Asia and the Pacific. In her January 12speech in Honolulu, Secretary Clinton detailed the five principles for how we view the Asia-Pacific architecture and U.S. involvement evolving. These include the foundation of the U.S. alliance system and bilateral partnerships, building a common regional economic and security agenda, the importance of result-oriented cooperation, the need to enhance the flexibility and creativity of our multilateral cooperation, and the principle that the Asia-Pacific’s defining institutions will include all the key stakeholders such as the United States.
For the last half century, the United States and its allies in the region – Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand – have maintained security and stability in East Asia and the Pacific. Our alliances remain the bedrock of our engagement in the region, and the Obama Administration is committed to strengthening those alliances to address both continuing and emerging challenges. The United States, therefore, must maintain a forward-deployed military presence in the region that both reassures friends and reminds others that the United States will remain the ultimate guarantor of regional peace and stability. There should be no mistake: the United States is firm in its resolve to uphold its treaty commitments regarding the defense of its allies.
Our alliance with Japan is a cornerstone of our strategic engagement in Asia. The May 2006 agreement on defense transformation and realignment will enhance deterrence while creating a more sustainable military presence in the region. The Guam International Agreement, signed by Secretary Clinton during her February 2009 trip, carries this transformation to the next stage. As part of our ongoing efforts to assist the Government of Japan with its review of the Futenma Replacement Facility (FRF) Agreement, a high-level working group met in Tokyo in November and December, and the Government of Japan is continuing its review. In addition to our focus on these issues, we are working to create a more durable and forward-looking vision for the alliance that seizes upon Japan’s global leadership role on climate change and humanitarian and development assistance programs, to name a few. As we approach the 50th anniversary of the alliance, we will work closely with our friends in Japan to think creatively and strategically about the alliance.
Kurt M. Campbell
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Before the Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Washington, DC
January 21, 2010
Excerpt:
U.S. Principles for Engagement in the Asia-Pacific Region – The Asia-Pacific region is of vital and permanent importance to the United States and it is clear that countries in the region want the United States to maintain a strong and active presence. We need to ensure that the United States is a resident power and not just a visitor, because what happens in the region has a direct effect on our security and economic well-being. Over the course of the next few decades climate change, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and widespread poverty will pose the most significant challenges to the United States and the rest of the region. These challenges are and will continue to be most acute in East Asia. This situation not only suggests a need for the United States to play a leading role in addressing these challenges, but it also indicates a need to strengthen and broaden alliances, build new partnerships, and enhance capacity of multilateral organizations in the region. Fundamental to this approach will be continued encouragement of China’s peaceful rise and integration into the international system. A forward-looking strategy that builds on these relationships and U.S. strengths as a democracy and a Pacific power is essential to manage both regional and increasingly global challenges.
With the positive outcomes of renewed engagement as a backdrop, I would like to discuss a series of principles that will guide our efforts moving forward. Intrinsic to our engagement strategy is an unwavering commitment to American values that have undergirded our foreign policy since the inception of our Republic. In many ways, it is precisely because of the emergence of a more complex and multi-polar world that values can and should serve as a tool of American statecraft. Five principles guide the Obama administration’s engagement in East Asia and the Pacific. In her January 12speech in Honolulu, Secretary Clinton detailed the five principles for how we view the Asia-Pacific architecture and U.S. involvement evolving. These include the foundation of the U.S. alliance system and bilateral partnerships, building a common regional economic and security agenda, the importance of result-oriented cooperation, the need to enhance the flexibility and creativity of our multilateral cooperation, and the principle that the Asia-Pacific’s defining institutions will include all the key stakeholders such as the United States.
For the last half century, the United States and its allies in the region – Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand – have maintained security and stability in East Asia and the Pacific. Our alliances remain the bedrock of our engagement in the region, and the Obama Administration is committed to strengthening those alliances to address both continuing and emerging challenges. The United States, therefore, must maintain a forward-deployed military presence in the region that both reassures friends and reminds others that the United States will remain the ultimate guarantor of regional peace and stability. There should be no mistake: the United States is firm in its resolve to uphold its treaty commitments regarding the defense of its allies.
Our alliance with Japan is a cornerstone of our strategic engagement in Asia. The May 2006 agreement on defense transformation and realignment will enhance deterrence while creating a more sustainable military presence in the region. The Guam International Agreement, signed by Secretary Clinton during her February 2009 trip, carries this transformation to the next stage. As part of our ongoing efforts to assist the Government of Japan with its review of the Futenma Replacement Facility (FRF) Agreement, a high-level working group met in Tokyo in November and December, and the Government of Japan is continuing its review. In addition to our focus on these issues, we are working to create a more durable and forward-looking vision for the alliance that seizes upon Japan’s global leadership role on climate change and humanitarian and development assistance programs, to name a few. As we approach the 50th anniversary of the alliance, we will work closely with our friends in Japan to think creatively and strategically about the alliance.
Thursday, December 24, 2009
FOCUS: Japan to see tough time with U.S. in 2010, close ties with Asia
FOCUS: Japan to see tough time with U.S. in 2010, close ties with Asia
Dec. 25, 2009
KYODO NEWS
Japan's ties with the United States are expected to be put to the test in 2010 as the country struggles to settle a row over a U.S. military airfield in Okinawa possibly as a step toward reshaping the decades-old bilateral alliance following Tokyo's historic change of power.
In contrast, the new Japanese government's pro-Asia stance, as seen in its ''East Asian community'' concept, could bring the region closer together, but experts say that a quick breakthrough is unlikely in long-standing territorial and other disputes with China and South Korea.
To raise its presence in the international arena, Japan may also explore ways to further contribute to global security, such as through active participation in U.N. peacekeeping missions.
After taking office in September, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama made a smooth diplomatic debut, winning international acclaim for his pledge to set an ambitious greenhouse gas emissions reduction target and sharing with Asian countries his long-term view of building an East Asian community, an idea inspired by the European Union.
But it did not take much time for the relationship between Japan and its closest security ally, the United States, to appear strained due to discord over where to relocate the U.S. Marine Corps' Futemma Air Station.
The relocation site was agreed on in 2006 as part of a broader accord on the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, but the Democratic Party of Japan-led government has pledged to move toward reviewing the deal as part of its policy to seek what it calls more ''equal'' Japan-U.S. ties.
The United States has repeatedly pressed Japan to implement the bilateral agreement to move Futemma to a less densely populated area in Okinawa, but Hatoyama has delayed making a decision on the issue until 2010 and also said he will seek an alternative relocation site.
Indicating the deep concerns Japan has on the issue, Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada said in early December, ''My experience as a politician is telling me that, unless we steadily deal with this issue, we may see a situation in which both Japan and the United States seriously lose trust in each other.''
The row about the Futemma facility has also cast a shadow over planned consultations between the two countries to review the bilateral alliance, with the year 2010 marking the 50th anniversary of the revised Japan-U.S. security treaty.
Okada told a press conference in late December that he hopes to ''move on'' with the consultations while discussing the relocation issue at the same time, but admitted that it is not something he can realize ''right now.''
While Hatoyama's indecisiveness and the differences in opinion seen among Cabinet members on the Futemma issue have given the impression that the government is drifting without a clear direction, speculation is growing that Hatoyama's eyes are actually focused on the creation of new bilateral ties.
''I have had the idea of whether it is appropriate to maintain the presence of another country's military forces (in Japan),'' Hatoyama said in December in explaining a security concept calling for having U.S. forces deployed in Japan only in emergencies. But he noted that he ''must seal'' the idea now that he is prime minister.
Toshikazu Inoue, a Gakushuin University professor, said that Hatoyama's key diplomatic approaches in the last three months have a commonality in that they seek ''a departure'' from Japan's dependence on the United States seen under previous governments led by the Liberal Democratic Party.
While the Futemma issue may become a litmus test of Japan's future diplomatic course, experts and others are divided on whether Tokyo will be able to settle the issue in a way that would mark a historic step toward building a less subservient relationship with the United States.
Government officials are wary about being stuck in a dead-end situation -- either failing to find an alternative relocation site or facing the difficulty of returning to the option of implementing the existing agreement because of possible strong local opposition.
''(By dealing with Futemma and other issues,) I think the DPJ-led government will start to learn that it is impossible to fundamentally change basic national policies related to diplomacy or security,'' Inoue said.
But Yuji Suzuki, a Hosei University professor, speculates that Hatoyama will seek a conclusion to close the Futemma facility and not allow it to be relocated within Okinawa, which is already unhappy about hosting the bulk of U.S. forces in the country because of noise pollution and crimes involving U.S. military personnel.
Such an outcome would not lead to a ''break'' in bilateral ties because Japan and the United States are already ''strongly linked to each other'' in such terms as economic and people-to-people exchanges and because this is a time when the United States appears to be losing its dominant power, Suzuki added.
While ties between Japan and the United States are likely to draw attention in the first half of 2010, Suzuki said that relations with China may be highlighted later in the year such as through the November summit of the 21-member Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum which Japan will host.
''Japan and the United States may see their ties strain over security issues, but in the latter half they will have to make sure that they cooperate to bring in China to the regional economic framework,'' the professor specializing in Pacific politics said.
Japan is also likely to face the task of accelerating its moves toward the realization of an East Asian community by finding specific areas of cooperation such as anti-piracy and copyrights.
''If cooperation were to be thoroughly focused on single issues, it may be difficult for China to say 'No', because it may also serve its interests,'' Suzuki said.
While Japan's ties with China and South Korea are likely to be relatively stable, it is unlikely to create momentum strong enough to settle its dispute with Beijing over gas field development or its territorial dispute with Seoul over the Dokdo islets, known as Takeshima in Japan.
A source close to Japan-South Korea relations warned that there is a possibility that bilateral ties could quickly sour if tension rises over the Takeshima issue, given that 2010 is a rather sensitive year for the two countries -- the 100th anniversary of Japan's annexation of the Korean Peninsula.
As for the decades-old territorial row with Russia, Hatoyama, who is known for his close ties with the country, has been eager to resolve the row. But a senior Foreign Ministry official indicated that an immediate breakthrough is not expected.
While Japan is likely to face difficulty in resolving pending bilateral issues, the government may be able to produce results in areas that involve ''multilateral cooperation'' such as climate change, peacekeeping missions, and nuclear disarmament, Inoue said.
''I think Hatoyama's pledge to cut the nation's greenhouse gas emissions by 25 percent (from 1990 levels by 2020) succeeded in sending a strong message,'' he said.
''Because there is newness in Japan which has undergone a change of power, Japan could raise its presence by working on what may be called nonconventional diplomatic areas,'' he added.
The senior Foreign Ministry official indicated that more active participation by Japan in U.N. peacekeeping missions may be realized, given Okada's eagerness to do so.
But the official also indicated that the DPJ-led government has much work to do to assure people where Japan is heading, saying, ''It is a time of change. But we don't know yet where the change is heading.''
Dec. 25, 2009
KYODO NEWS
Japan's ties with the United States are expected to be put to the test in 2010 as the country struggles to settle a row over a U.S. military airfield in Okinawa possibly as a step toward reshaping the decades-old bilateral alliance following Tokyo's historic change of power.
In contrast, the new Japanese government's pro-Asia stance, as seen in its ''East Asian community'' concept, could bring the region closer together, but experts say that a quick breakthrough is unlikely in long-standing territorial and other disputes with China and South Korea.
To raise its presence in the international arena, Japan may also explore ways to further contribute to global security, such as through active participation in U.N. peacekeeping missions.
After taking office in September, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama made a smooth diplomatic debut, winning international acclaim for his pledge to set an ambitious greenhouse gas emissions reduction target and sharing with Asian countries his long-term view of building an East Asian community, an idea inspired by the European Union.
But it did not take much time for the relationship between Japan and its closest security ally, the United States, to appear strained due to discord over where to relocate the U.S. Marine Corps' Futemma Air Station.
The relocation site was agreed on in 2006 as part of a broader accord on the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, but the Democratic Party of Japan-led government has pledged to move toward reviewing the deal as part of its policy to seek what it calls more ''equal'' Japan-U.S. ties.
The United States has repeatedly pressed Japan to implement the bilateral agreement to move Futemma to a less densely populated area in Okinawa, but Hatoyama has delayed making a decision on the issue until 2010 and also said he will seek an alternative relocation site.
Indicating the deep concerns Japan has on the issue, Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada said in early December, ''My experience as a politician is telling me that, unless we steadily deal with this issue, we may see a situation in which both Japan and the United States seriously lose trust in each other.''
The row about the Futemma facility has also cast a shadow over planned consultations between the two countries to review the bilateral alliance, with the year 2010 marking the 50th anniversary of the revised Japan-U.S. security treaty.
Okada told a press conference in late December that he hopes to ''move on'' with the consultations while discussing the relocation issue at the same time, but admitted that it is not something he can realize ''right now.''
While Hatoyama's indecisiveness and the differences in opinion seen among Cabinet members on the Futemma issue have given the impression that the government is drifting without a clear direction, speculation is growing that Hatoyama's eyes are actually focused on the creation of new bilateral ties.
''I have had the idea of whether it is appropriate to maintain the presence of another country's military forces (in Japan),'' Hatoyama said in December in explaining a security concept calling for having U.S. forces deployed in Japan only in emergencies. But he noted that he ''must seal'' the idea now that he is prime minister.
Toshikazu Inoue, a Gakushuin University professor, said that Hatoyama's key diplomatic approaches in the last three months have a commonality in that they seek ''a departure'' from Japan's dependence on the United States seen under previous governments led by the Liberal Democratic Party.
While the Futemma issue may become a litmus test of Japan's future diplomatic course, experts and others are divided on whether Tokyo will be able to settle the issue in a way that would mark a historic step toward building a less subservient relationship with the United States.
Government officials are wary about being stuck in a dead-end situation -- either failing to find an alternative relocation site or facing the difficulty of returning to the option of implementing the existing agreement because of possible strong local opposition.
''(By dealing with Futemma and other issues,) I think the DPJ-led government will start to learn that it is impossible to fundamentally change basic national policies related to diplomacy or security,'' Inoue said.
But Yuji Suzuki, a Hosei University professor, speculates that Hatoyama will seek a conclusion to close the Futemma facility and not allow it to be relocated within Okinawa, which is already unhappy about hosting the bulk of U.S. forces in the country because of noise pollution and crimes involving U.S. military personnel.
Such an outcome would not lead to a ''break'' in bilateral ties because Japan and the United States are already ''strongly linked to each other'' in such terms as economic and people-to-people exchanges and because this is a time when the United States appears to be losing its dominant power, Suzuki added.
While ties between Japan and the United States are likely to draw attention in the first half of 2010, Suzuki said that relations with China may be highlighted later in the year such as through the November summit of the 21-member Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum which Japan will host.
''Japan and the United States may see their ties strain over security issues, but in the latter half they will have to make sure that they cooperate to bring in China to the regional economic framework,'' the professor specializing in Pacific politics said.
Japan is also likely to face the task of accelerating its moves toward the realization of an East Asian community by finding specific areas of cooperation such as anti-piracy and copyrights.
''If cooperation were to be thoroughly focused on single issues, it may be difficult for China to say 'No', because it may also serve its interests,'' Suzuki said.
While Japan's ties with China and South Korea are likely to be relatively stable, it is unlikely to create momentum strong enough to settle its dispute with Beijing over gas field development or its territorial dispute with Seoul over the Dokdo islets, known as Takeshima in Japan.
A source close to Japan-South Korea relations warned that there is a possibility that bilateral ties could quickly sour if tension rises over the Takeshima issue, given that 2010 is a rather sensitive year for the two countries -- the 100th anniversary of Japan's annexation of the Korean Peninsula.
As for the decades-old territorial row with Russia, Hatoyama, who is known for his close ties with the country, has been eager to resolve the row. But a senior Foreign Ministry official indicated that an immediate breakthrough is not expected.
While Japan is likely to face difficulty in resolving pending bilateral issues, the government may be able to produce results in areas that involve ''multilateral cooperation'' such as climate change, peacekeeping missions, and nuclear disarmament, Inoue said.
''I think Hatoyama's pledge to cut the nation's greenhouse gas emissions by 25 percent (from 1990 levels by 2020) succeeded in sending a strong message,'' he said.
''Because there is newness in Japan which has undergone a change of power, Japan could raise its presence by working on what may be called nonconventional diplomatic areas,'' he added.
The senior Foreign Ministry official indicated that more active participation by Japan in U.N. peacekeeping missions may be realized, given Okada's eagerness to do so.
But the official also indicated that the DPJ-led government has much work to do to assure people where Japan is heading, saying, ''It is a time of change. But we don't know yet where the change is heading.''
Monday, November 30, 2009
Obama: Reversing Nixon's 'Guam Doctrine'
Obama: Reversing Nixon's 'Guam Doctrine'
37th President Reduced America's Presence In Asia; The 44th Is Bringing It Back
Written by Jeff Marchesseault, Guam News Factor Staff Writer
Sunday, 29 November 2009 22:41
GUAM - Wrapping up his tour of Asia with a stopover on the American Territory of Guam in the summer of 1969, U.S. President Richard Nixon announced at an island news conference the makings of a force-reduction policy that would become known alternately as the 'Nixon Doctrine' or 'Guam Doctrine'.
Uncle Sam Does A 180
Fast forward four decades and President Obama's recent overtures to East Asia seem to be a reversal of the United States' longstanding 'Guam Doctrine' – launched by the 37th President on his momentous Territorial stop 40 years ago. Nixon then set the stage for East Asian allies to defend themselves with secondary augmentation, rather than frontline 'primary' trooping, from the U.S.
Didn't Know What We Were Getting Into
It was a different era. The War in Vietnam was increasingly unpopular at home as the American body count piled high. And the 'communist containment' strategy fought by Americans on North Vietnamese terms was looking more and more unwinnable in a booby-trapped realm of terra incognita.
Furthermore, by then America had been embroiled in Asian wars for nearly 30 years -- from the Second World War's Pacific Theater in the '40s to Korea in the '50s to Indochina in the '60s.
Older, Wiser, No Worse For The Wear
But after a generation of active military engagement in the Middle East, 40 years of technological advancement, and years of gradual defense reduction in the Far East, America is reemerging better equipped and more remarkably allied as Protector of the Pacific.
It all comes together (1) at a time when the Air Force in particular and Department of Defense in general are enjoying high public approval ratings in the U.S. and Guam; (2) at a time when the Navy is aggressively pursuing an agenda of carbon reduction; (3) at a time when DOD is increasingly committed to job satisfaction; and (4) at a time when the Pentagon is demonstrating that its commitment to humanitarian assistance trains soldiers while dissolving negative attitudes about the U.S. military worldwide.
Guam At The Cusp
As Obama renews security commitments to the region, buttressed by his whirlwind East Asia tour earlier this month and a state dinner for India's prime minister at the White House last week, US-Guam's military-buildup symbolizes America's growing resident power in the Pacific.
Although invited more than once to visit Guam on his return trip from Asia, Obama didn't have time for his own Presidential stopover to the Territory this go-around. But as the buildup takes hold and Guam's stock rises on the global stage, an Obama visit remains foreseeable, if not imminent.
Perhaps by the time he does visit, an Obama Doctrine will be firm in hand. One that is presaged by diplomacy; driven by active engagement; supported by a strong defensive posture; and prioritized by peace. And instead of announcing a withdrawal from East Asia, he'll instead be celebrating a new era of economic prosperity protecting mutual interests and deterring common foes.
37th President Reduced America's Presence In Asia; The 44th Is Bringing It Back
Written by Jeff Marchesseault, Guam News Factor Staff Writer
Sunday, 29 November 2009 22:41
GUAM - Wrapping up his tour of Asia with a stopover on the American Territory of Guam in the summer of 1969, U.S. President Richard Nixon announced at an island news conference the makings of a force-reduction policy that would become known alternately as the 'Nixon Doctrine' or 'Guam Doctrine'.
Uncle Sam Does A 180
Fast forward four decades and President Obama's recent overtures to East Asia seem to be a reversal of the United States' longstanding 'Guam Doctrine' – launched by the 37th President on his momentous Territorial stop 40 years ago. Nixon then set the stage for East Asian allies to defend themselves with secondary augmentation, rather than frontline 'primary' trooping, from the U.S.
Didn't Know What We Were Getting Into
It was a different era. The War in Vietnam was increasingly unpopular at home as the American body count piled high. And the 'communist containment' strategy fought by Americans on North Vietnamese terms was looking more and more unwinnable in a booby-trapped realm of terra incognita.
Furthermore, by then America had been embroiled in Asian wars for nearly 30 years -- from the Second World War's Pacific Theater in the '40s to Korea in the '50s to Indochina in the '60s.
Older, Wiser, No Worse For The Wear
But after a generation of active military engagement in the Middle East, 40 years of technological advancement, and years of gradual defense reduction in the Far East, America is reemerging better equipped and more remarkably allied as Protector of the Pacific.
It all comes together (1) at a time when the Air Force in particular and Department of Defense in general are enjoying high public approval ratings in the U.S. and Guam; (2) at a time when the Navy is aggressively pursuing an agenda of carbon reduction; (3) at a time when DOD is increasingly committed to job satisfaction; and (4) at a time when the Pentagon is demonstrating that its commitment to humanitarian assistance trains soldiers while dissolving negative attitudes about the U.S. military worldwide.
Guam At The Cusp
As Obama renews security commitments to the region, buttressed by his whirlwind East Asia tour earlier this month and a state dinner for India's prime minister at the White House last week, US-Guam's military-buildup symbolizes America's growing resident power in the Pacific.
Although invited more than once to visit Guam on his return trip from Asia, Obama didn't have time for his own Presidential stopover to the Territory this go-around. But as the buildup takes hold and Guam's stock rises on the global stage, an Obama visit remains foreseeable, if not imminent.
Perhaps by the time he does visit, an Obama Doctrine will be firm in hand. One that is presaged by diplomacy; driven by active engagement; supported by a strong defensive posture; and prioritized by peace. And instead of announcing a withdrawal from East Asia, he'll instead be celebrating a new era of economic prosperity protecting mutual interests and deterring common foes.
Sunday, November 22, 2009
Trim East Asia presence, US urged
Trim East Asia presence, US urged
Monday, 23 November 2009
BY LLANESCA T. PANTI REPORTER
TOKYO: The United States should consider reducing its military presence in the East Asian region, an official said here over the weekend. According to Kazuo Kodama, spokesman for Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the United States would still be capable of ensuring security in the region even if it realigned its forces because it possesses strategic weapons.
His advice came at a time when Japan was reviewing an agreement with the US on Washington’s bases stationed in Okinawa and pushing for a US bases relocation roadmap.
“Even if they [US] transferred the bases or realigned the deployment in nearby countries, let’s say outside Okinawa or even outside Japan such as in Guam, they could still easily respond to the security concerns of the nearby countries whenever needed because they are well-equipped,” Kodama told Asian journalists.
Like Japan, the Philippines used to host US bases until the Philippine Senate voted against it in 1991. The absence of US forces, however, did not last a decade when Manila entered into a Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) with Washington in 1999.
The VFA allows US troops to train and advise the Philippine military in its fight against terrorism, but it prohibits participation of US forces in combat operations.
It also lets deployment of US forces to Mindanao under the Joint Special Operations Task Force-Philippines, which provides immediate medical assistance to Filipino soldiers who are wounded in the battlefield.
Communist and separatist insurgencies in southern Philippines have lingered for nearly four decades.
Kodama disclosed that US bases in Okinawa are located near shopping malls and as such, have become a burden for Okinawans.
“We want to reduce American footprint by relocating the US bases since [the bases] have become dangerous for the people. Japan thinks that the time has come to explore that possibility,” he said.
In the case of the Philippines, the VFA drew flak when US Marine Lance Corporal Daniel Smith was initially found guilty of raping a Filipino woman known only as “Nicole” in 2006. Smith was briefly detained in a Philippine jail before being transferred in the US Embassy in Manila. He was later acquitted by the Philippines’ Court of Appeals in April 2009 and is believed to have returned to the US.
Kodama, however, stressed that Japan, as well as the rest of the East Asian region, still needs US forces for security.
He cited North Korea’s nuclear power and continued missile tests and territorial disputes such as those between China and Russia and between China and Taiwan.
“The deployment of US forces in East Asia helps in maintaining security and stability. We do not dispute that statement. Let us not forget that the ‘Cold War’ is not yet over here,” Kodama said.
Monday, 23 November 2009
BY LLANESCA T. PANTI REPORTER
TOKYO: The United States should consider reducing its military presence in the East Asian region, an official said here over the weekend. According to Kazuo Kodama, spokesman for Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the United States would still be capable of ensuring security in the region even if it realigned its forces because it possesses strategic weapons.
His advice came at a time when Japan was reviewing an agreement with the US on Washington’s bases stationed in Okinawa and pushing for a US bases relocation roadmap.
“Even if they [US] transferred the bases or realigned the deployment in nearby countries, let’s say outside Okinawa or even outside Japan such as in Guam, they could still easily respond to the security concerns of the nearby countries whenever needed because they are well-equipped,” Kodama told Asian journalists.
Like Japan, the Philippines used to host US bases until the Philippine Senate voted against it in 1991. The absence of US forces, however, did not last a decade when Manila entered into a Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) with Washington in 1999.
The VFA allows US troops to train and advise the Philippine military in its fight against terrorism, but it prohibits participation of US forces in combat operations.
It also lets deployment of US forces to Mindanao under the Joint Special Operations Task Force-Philippines, which provides immediate medical assistance to Filipino soldiers who are wounded in the battlefield.
Communist and separatist insurgencies in southern Philippines have lingered for nearly four decades.
Kodama disclosed that US bases in Okinawa are located near shopping malls and as such, have become a burden for Okinawans.
“We want to reduce American footprint by relocating the US bases since [the bases] have become dangerous for the people. Japan thinks that the time has come to explore that possibility,” he said.
In the case of the Philippines, the VFA drew flak when US Marine Lance Corporal Daniel Smith was initially found guilty of raping a Filipino woman known only as “Nicole” in 2006. Smith was briefly detained in a Philippine jail before being transferred in the US Embassy in Manila. He was later acquitted by the Philippines’ Court of Appeals in April 2009 and is believed to have returned to the US.
Kodama, however, stressed that Japan, as well as the rest of the East Asian region, still needs US forces for security.
He cited North Korea’s nuclear power and continued missile tests and territorial disputes such as those between China and Russia and between China and Taiwan.
“The deployment of US forces in East Asia helps in maintaining security and stability. We do not dispute that statement. Let us not forget that the ‘Cold War’ is not yet over here,” Kodama said.
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